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In a position of influence in his home city, he could be even more use to the establishment. L izzie got her nice house and financial support, as Tommy promised, but the closing scene hinted that, pleasingly, she might just get something more. Attagirl, Lizzie. They can be so judgmental. It would all make for one moody mixtape. This was a fittingly thrilling finale to a blinding series. The move back to Small Heath was a huge success narratively, taking the Shelby clan back to their roots to feel leaner, meaner and more menacing than ever.
Roll on series five, expected in late or early See you back here to decipher the murderous mumbling. We urge you to turn off your ad blocker for The Telegraph website so that you can continue to access our quality content in the future. Visit our adblocking instructions page. Telegraph Culture TV. Finn came of age but Michael was exiled T here were contrasting fortunes for the next-gen Shelbys in this finale. Better the Devlin you know Buried amid all the primary plots, there was a happy ending for one minor character: factory boss Niall Devlin Graeme Hawley.
Is Alfie definitely dead? This was the best series yet. Now bring on the fifth This was a fittingly thrilling finale to a blinding series. We've noticed you're adblocking. We rely on advertising to help fund our award-winning journalism. Charmed is an American television series that was originally broadcast by The WB for eight seasons from October 7, , until May 21, The series narrative follows a trio of sisters, known as The Charmed Ones, the most powerful good witches of all time, who use their combine Power of Three to protect innocent lives from evil beings such as demons and warlocks.
Each sister possesses unique magical powers that grow and evolve, while they attempt to maintain normal lives in modern-day San Francisco. After Doherty departed from the series in , resulting in her character's death, she was replaced by Rose McGowan as the long-lost younger half-sister Paige Matthews from the fourth season onwards. The following list only contains characters that appeared in five or more episodes. Prue Halliwell played by Shannen Doherty is the eldest sister who initially receives the power to move objects with her mind by channeling telekinesis through her eyes.
She sacrificed a majority of her childhood to help raise her two younger sisters Piper Holly Marie Combs and Phoebe Alyssa Milano , after the death of their mother Patty Finola Hughes and the abandonment of their father Victor James Read. Piper Halliwell played by Holly Marie Combs is the second eldest sister who initially receives the power of molecular immobilization, which allows her to "freeze" her surrounding environment.
In season three , she marries their whitelighter Leo Wyatt Brian Krause , and as the series progresses, they have two children— Wyatt born in season five and Chris born in season six. Phoebe Halliwell played by Alyssa Milano is the third sister who initially receives the power of premonition , which enables her to see into the past and the future. Because of her free-spirited nature, she often comes into major conflicts with Prue Shannen Doherty , but the two eventually mend their relationship. Paige Matthews played by Rose McGowan is the youngest half-sister who initially receives the power to move objects with her mind by orbing "teleporting" them from one location to another through a vocal command.
She is the secret love child of the Halliwell sisters' mother Patty Finola Hughes and her whitelighter Sam Wilder Scott Jaeck , making Paige both a witch and whitelighter. She was unaware of her magical history until Prue's Shannen Doherty funeral at the beginning of season four , in which she goes on to help reconstitute The Charmed Ones by taking Prue's place in the Power of Three. In the final season, she marries mortal parole officer Henry Mitchell Ivan Sergei. He was introduced in season one as the Halliwell sisters' childhood friend, and Prue's high school sweetheart and first love.
Darryl is introduced into season one as the partner of Andy Trudeau Ted King. After season seven , Darryl and his family move to the East Coast. Leo Wyatt played by Brian Krause is the Halliwell sisters' whitelighter —a guardian angel for good witches—who has the powers to orb, heal, sense, glamour and hover. Leo is introduced into season one as the Halliwell sisters' handyman who is hired to fix up their house,  but they later discover that he is actually their whitelighter.
Dan Gordon played by Greg Vaughan is a neighbor of the Halliwell sisters in the second season. In the first episode of the season, Dan moves into the house next-door to the sisters' with his niece Jenny Karis Paige Bryant. Piper later breaks up with Dan and reconciles with Leo. When his brother-in-law discovers that Leo was a soldier in World War II and died in the war, Dan gives this information to Piper and is devastated to find out she already knew. Piper is heartbroken when Dan tells her that he wished he never found out because it freaks him out. In order to help ease Dan's mind, Piper wishes for the genie to make him forget about learning the truth and for him to truly move on with his life, which leads to Dan moving to Portland to take a job offer.
Cole Turner played by Julian McMahon , also known as the demonic assassin Belthazor, is a half-human and half-demon. Cole never regains their trust and although he attempts to dedicate his new life to being good,  his bewildering love for Phoebe and her rejection of his love, drives him to the point of insanity, which again results in his demise. Chris is introduced into the season five finale as a whitelighter from the future who helps assist the sisters against magical beings known as The Titans.
While he successfully gains the Charmed Ones' trust, Leo remains initially suspicious. In season six , Chris reveals that he is actually Leo and Piper's son and that he traveled back in time to prevent his older brother Wyatt Jason and Kristopher Simmons from growing up to be the evil dictator he becomes in the future. In order for this to happen, Chris set up a scheme where most of The Elders would die so that Leo could become an Elder and he could become the Charmed Ones' new whitelighter, allowing him to get close enough to Wyatt to protect him.
His powers are telekinesis, and orbing. Billie Jenkins played by Kaley Cuoco is a young witch who has the power to move objects with her mind using telekinesis. Billie is introduced into season eight as a college student and a new charge for Paige Rose McGowan.
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While the Halliwell sisters assume new identities during the first few episodes of the season, she keeps their secret and does some of their magical legwork for them. Billie becomes obsessed with finding her long-lost older sister Christy Marnette Patterson , who was kidnapped 15 years earlier by The Triad. Billie is eventually reunited with her sister, but does not know that she has been turned evil under the influence of demons.
After Christy briefly sways her to betray the Charmed Ones, Billie eventually sides with the sisters in the series finale and is forced to kill Christy in self-defense. While Rex tests Prue's knowledge of art, Hannah "accidentally" pushes a stepladder, knocking over a bucket of paint right above Prue. When Prue deviates the paint's trajectory with her power, Hannah concludes she is "either the luckiest woman alive Hannah first shows her powers when she lights Rex's cigar with only her breath.
When she opens it, a powerful warlock and Melinda's past lover Matthew Tate Billy Wirth emerges from the locket and tries to kill the Charmed Ones. However, the sisters resurrect Melinda, who locks him up in the locket again. Rex demands their powers and gives the sisters a jar to store them in. With their powers gone, the sisters give the jar back to Rex at the auction house. While the sisters face Rex and Hannah, Leo Brian Krause , who was believed to be a handyman, performs magic on the sisters' Book of Shadows and returns the powers to the girls.
Just as Hannah is about to kill the sisters in her black panther form, Piper freezes her and Rex. Prue then uses her telekinesis powers to move Rex in front of Hannah, and she accidentally kills him. Having done so, Hannah reverts to her human form before being vanquished herself by an unknown force. Victor Bennett , played by Anthony Denison season one and James Read seasons three to eight , made his first appearance during the season one episode "Thank You for Not Morphing". In , Victor appears in San Francisco not long after his daughters find out they are witches.
Prue is suspicious of him, but Piper and Phoebe are more open to seeing him. Victor admits he wanted to take the Book of Shadows in order to protect his daughters. He leaves them without a proper goodbye, instead leaving a home Christmas movie of the girls when they were younger. While in town, he assists his daughters in helping capture the demon children and bring them to the Ice Cream Man's truck.
Victor does not know that Doris is a demon and that she only married him so she could get closer to his daughters and steal Piper's baby, Wyatt. Doris stabs Victor in the abdomen, nearly killing him, before attempting to steal Wyatt. However, she is eventually vanquished. In , Victor meets Piper's second son Chris Drew Fuller , who came from the future to save Wyatt from becoming evil.
To Victor's surprise, Chris is excited to see him and he tells Victor that they have a very close relationship in the future. When a temporarily resurrected Penny casts a spell that accidentally transfers Wyatt and Chris' rivalry into the sisters, Victor and Penny summon Patty to work out their issues. Patty and Victor ruminate on what kind of parents they would have been if they stayed married, and Patty lived to see the girls as teenagers. Patty Halliwell , played by Finola Hughes , made her first appearance during the season one episode "From Fear to Eternity". Like Piper, Patty had the power to freeze time,  and she was briefly able to have premonitions while carrying Phoebe.
Originally, Barbas could only appear on Earth for 24 hours once every years, on Friday the 13th. If he could kill 13 unmarried witches before midnight, then he would be able break free of The Underworld and walk the Earth for eternity. Penny Halliwell also known to her family as Grams , played by Jennifer Rhodes , made her first appearance during the season one episode "Is There a Woogy in the House? Inspector Rodriguez portrayed by Carlos Gomez.
Posing as an Internal Affairs agent, Rodriguez questions Andy Trudeau after he takes a murder weapon used by the ghost of a serial killer so Prue and Phoebe can stop him. Rodriguez says he is worried about the number of unsolved cases Trudeau and Darryl Morris seemingly abandoned and believes Andy is covering for someone. While spying on the two detectives, Rodriguez overhears Andy telling Darryl that he is covering for Prue Halliwell. Rodriguez then kills his partner with his powers, thus revealing his demonic nature.
Getting frustrated, Rodriguez teams up with the time-manipulating demon, Tempus who appears to work for the Source. Due to Phoebe's power of premonition, the girls eventually figure out what is going on and tie up Rodriguez, but not before Andy is killed trying to protect Prue and her sisters. Encouraged by Andy's spirit, Prue uses a spell to break the time loop, weakening Tempus and sending him back to the Underworld. Prue then unties Rodriguez and orders him to get out. He immediately fires an energy ball in a last-ditch effort to kill the sisters, but Prue, sensing his intentions, uses her power to redirect it back to him and Rodriguez is finally vanquished.
The wand belonged to Tuatha Brigid Brannagh , a powerful evil witch from the 18th century. After Tuatha's defeat, Prue meets Jack at P3 and gives the wand back to him, who notes the broken crystal and its reduced value, but buys Prue a drink to show no hard feelings. Prue tells Piper Holly Marie Combs that Jack might be a warlock after she sees one of the Sheridans in front of her at the coffee pot, and the other reading a magazine at the newsstand.
Prue and Piper then cast a spell to hear his private thoughts. When both Sheridans appear in Prue's office, Jack tells her that Jeff is his twin brother. Fujimoto, while she was out demon hunting at a campsite. When Prue returns to her office, she is surprised to find out that Jack listed her as the sales agent. She then offers Jack dinner as a thank you. Hellfire", the new boss of Bucklands, Mr. When Prue does not come into the office to help Jack, he goes to the manor and demands to know where she has been.
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This causes them to have a fight. However, Prue backs out when a magical emergency intervenes and Jack decides to not go as well. Bob Cowan , played by David Reivers , made his first appearance during the first episode of season four, "Charmed Again Part 1 ". In "Charmed Again Part 1 ", Bob asks Paige for information but she does not pay attention to him because she was reading a newspaper article about Prue 's Shannen Doherty death. Paige then heads out to attend Prue's funeral while Bob calls out her name several times and asks her where she is going.
Bob then asks Piper who she is and Piper replies that she is Paige's sister. In the season four episode "A Knight to Remember", Bob demands to know what is going on when Paige locks herself in the photocopier room with The Prince Charlie Weber from her fairytale. She passes The Prince off as a performer in the Renaissance Fair and the two leave. He assumes Paige is in the Renaissance Fair as well and tells her to lockup before she leaves. When Bob asks Tyler for his phone number so he can ring his parents to let them know his okay, Tyler gets angry and sets fire to a wastebasket by using his powers.
In the season four episode "The Three Faces of Phoebe", Bob offers Paige a promotion to become a full-fledged social worker for having helped a client named Carolyn Seldon Camilla Rantsen with getting her son back from her abusive ex-husband. In the process, Bob passed over Scott Christian Keiber , a more experienced assistant, with the offer.
Paige turns down the offer because she used magic to help Carolyn. Elise Rothman , played by Rebecca Balding , made her first appearance during the season four episode "The Fifth Halliwell". In the process of refashioning their own identities out of the cultural resources at hand, blending elements of African American styles together with Mexican and American culture, they created something uniquely their own. Jazz culture held out the possibilities of celebra- tion and social transformation in the ways that it skirted the edges of social propriety in transgressing the boundaries of gender, class, and race.
Part III explores how social tensions moved from the discursive to the physical plane. The young people living in the neighborhoods that lay between the Naval Reserve Training School and downtown Los Angeles in- creasingly challenged the intrusive presence of military men in what they saw as their space.
It was a particular kind of vigilantism that was designed not only to reassert the authority of the state but also to shore up the segregated boundaries of race and class transgressed by an increasingly assertive generation of young people. Politicians publicly dismissed the racialized nature of the riot but privately struggled to tame the unleashed social tensions. Community leaders and city politi- cians sought out leaders in the black and Mexican American communities to address the problems that they believed to have been the most responsible for generating violence.
As the war drew to a close and the city moved on to other concerns, the zoot suit fell out of fashion as jazz moved from swing to be-bop. The citizens of Los Angeles, however, hardly sounded with a singular voice on the matter, and their competing responses shaped how the events of the period unfolded. The thrust of nativism was to expel the foreign from the American social body, but the aim of the Ameri- canization movement mediated against the worst of nativist fervor in trying to absorb the foreign into American life.
The mission myth of Old Mexico, celebrated in pageantry and literature and built into the architec- ture and city planning of Los Angeles, depended on the presence of enough native Mexicans to play the part. Indeed, in addition to Mexican culture, the economic infrastructure of Los Angeles depended on the labor, consumer- ism, and revenues of Mexicans. Although evidence suggests that Americanization met with little success among Mexican Americans, one could conclude that in one respect it suc- ceeded far beyond the dreams of reformers.
This assertive genera- tion destabilized the romantic myth of Old Mexico and the ongoing work for racial uplift by middle-class Mexican American activists. It was as if the packaged image of Mexican life and culture in Los Angeles that city boost- ers and entrepreneurs long worked to produce for tourism began to unwrap itself.
Within the space of thirty years, Los Angeles became one of the most racially diverse cities in the country, if not the most racially di- verse. In the era of segregation, such a population boom of foreign, non- white racial minorities invariably produced shock waves of racial anxiety and unrest among white Angelenos who lived in restricted neighborhoods and communities.
In the following decade, however, as Mexico plunged into years internecine war, the population of refugees from Mexico was greater than that of all other immigrant groups relocating to Los Angeles. For an example of this, see U. Devra Weber argues that the rapid capitalist expansion of the Mexican economy from foreign investment changed the lives of hun- dreds of thousands of workers in Mexico toward the end of the nineteenth century, creating a large, landless, and mobile population of laborers.
These factors allowed for the international migrations of Mexican laborers into California and other southwestern states on a scale previously unknown. Although the vast majority of blacks relocated to south central Los Angeles and Watts, an appreciable number also moved into the Mexican neighborhoods of Los Angeles. Although military men were only temporarily assigned to the Los Angeles area before moving elsewhere, the presence of a large and transient popula- tion of young white males training for combat added further complications to an urban environment undergoing rapid expansion.
Popular Responses Since the turn of the century, white Californians reacted in related ways to the burgeoning population of nonwhite Mexicans. Nativism ran strong among whites in southern California, to the extent that many Angelenos openly supported the Ku Klux Klan. More than a few white Californians saw the rise of a mostly Roman Catholic, mestizo, and politically radical population as a threat to the internal security of the United States.
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The rest may be Amerind American Indian , Negro, or a mixture of the two. Within such a paradigm, social behavior—particularly behavior that the laws considered inappropriate and criminal—was neither situational, conditional, nor cul- turally determined but was seen as an outgrowth of breeding and biology. Federal activism waned in enforcing progressive legislation de- signed to protect wage earners. Widespread nativist sentiment made organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan popular, national, and respectable. With the blessings of the White House, the American Protective Agency conducted Americanization classes throughout the land for fear that ethnic loyalties had led to American involvement in the First World War and that cultural diversity would lead to national disunity at home.
Studies such as H. Frederick Hoxie noted in his study of American Indian policy that even if white, Anglo-Saxon Protestants succeeded in remaking American Indian children in their own image, the pervasive racism of Ameri- can society would allow people of color to live only as segregated, second- class citizens no matter how assimilated they became. Even if they successfully Americanized themselves in dress, belief, and behavior, they could not erase the meaning of their skin within the context of their times, when segregation was the law and deference to whiteness was the custom.
The Mexican Vogue A number of circumstances unique to Mexican migration served as cul- tural counterweights that frustrated the best intentions of the American- ization reformers. The city of Los Angeles long held a complex relationship with Mexicans and Mexican culture. Many businesses in southern California relied heavily on trade between Mexico and the United States.
The city of Los Angeles itself was depen- dent on tax revenues from Mexican vendors and businesses or on busi- nesses that thrived on the patronage of Mexicans and Mexican Americans. Even pri- vately funded organizations such as the Carnegie Corporation and the In- stitute of International Education worked to formalize intercultural contact and exchange on both sides of the border. If Mexicans became simply a darker shade of American, to borrow from Ruben Navarrette, then Los Angeles stood to lose one of its most cherished mar- keting strategies.
At key locations in the city, like Olvera Street, investors such as Harry Chandler reworked historic sites to turn cultural tricks for tourists. In so doing, they played on the romanticized image of Old Mexico, hiring Mexicans and Mexi- can Americans to play the appropriate parts and even hosting a number of civic celebrations there. Thus buildings on university campuses throughout Los Angeles, from Occidental College to the University of Southern Califor- nia and the University of California, Los Angeles, all bear the marks of this cultural fascination with Spanish-styled architecture.
The erasure of the Mexican American presence from certain areas was part of a relentless urban reinvention that swept up everyone and everything in its path. In looking at the production and consumption of information in Los Ange- les, there is strong evidence that the reading public was equally invested in embracing and celebrating various aspects of Mexican culture. Mexican and Latin American actors shared equal billing with white actors in the arts sec- tion of major Los Angeles newspapers. Of course, Mexican Americans were usually present, too, working the end of the parades scooping up droppings and cleaning the streets of confetti.
It was a kind of symbolic diversity that came not from the culture Angelenos ostensibly celebrated but from the imagi- nation and needs of the white entrepreneurs and city boosters who created the myth. Cultura Pan-Americana, Inc. Although Mexicans found life in the United States alien and sometimes hostile, the colonia in Los Angeles was alive with civic activity to address a variety of conditions and concerns. The Coordinating Councils were particularly active in Belvedere and in Watts, bringing parents together with volunteers from social service agencies, schools, and law enforcement agencies to promote social welfare, morale, wholesome recreation, and character-building activi- ties for youths.
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He re- ceived his A. Indeed, his position among white civic leaders depended on their recognizing him as a citizen of the United States of Mexican origin, and he hoped to lead them toward a more nuanced appre- ciation of citizenship, race, and rights. Moreover, he reasoned that domestic harmony in Los Angeles could be better served by building cultural bridges across commu- nities based on the notion of a shared Western heritage. The new coalition quickly numbered among its members Latin American consular representatives and a variety of U. Among the goals of the one-thousand- member group were promoting interest in inter-American culture and cul- tural exchange, supporting bicultural conferences and programs, and estab- lishing a Pan-American cultural center and library in Los Angeles.
At the same time, he called for an in- formation campaign to familiarize the English-speaking population with the important role that Latin America played in forwarding the Allied cause. They soon became highly visible targets for violence by members of the military and blatant prejudice by the public at large. Yet he simply could not compete with the revival of nativist sentiment and the echo of eugen- ics theory that saw a budding gangster in every Mexican American teenager who did not conform to the dominant ideals of propriety.
Much of the problem arose because there was no clear consensus of precisely what made one a Pachuco. The cumu- lative perception of the Pachuco from press accounts, however, held that Pachucos were Mexican youths ensnared in a web of crime, illicit sex, and drugs. A close reading of the historical record reveals far greater nuances to the term that defy easy categorization. Their panache and aggressiveness were the un- doing of the romanticized image of Old Mexico that entrepreneurs strove to maintain.
The comportment of Pachucos also undermined the campaign launched by members of the Mexican American middle class to reinvent the public image of Mexicans. They were not the kind of people to leave behind written documents of their life and world; nor were they necessarily the kind to wax nostalgic in their later years and talk about their experiences to their children, let alone to outsiders from another cultural world. Some observers of border life suspected that Tirilis, who were at times called Pachucos, were devout followers of a kind of theology that appeared to mix aspects of Roman Catholicism with native beliefs on the supernatural, ma- terial wealth, and power.
Extensive and elaborate tattoos outwardly marked initiates, and the radiant cross was a dominant, if not primary, symbol. Permanently tattooing the cross on the body, however, may have derived from a lay practice of inscribing the body with religious symbols as an expression of profound devotion. Tattooing the cross on the hand or leg may have been a way of invoking divine aid or protection from the items with which one could come in contact. Tirili women were reported to tattoo teardrops from the corner of an eye to represent the number of years they were separated from a partner because of work, imprisonment, or death.
Popular usage of the term likely spread to Los Angeles along the railways as Tirilis expanded their areas of operation or as they simply became part of the migration westward as Mexican immigrants searched for better employment. Etymological and biographical evidence suggests the ways in which the two worlds intersected. Even during the height of the zoot suit craze relatively few teenagers actu- ally wore zoot suits, and Tirilis were no exception.
The impact of war production on the national economy, the gender shift in the workforce, and the impact of such change on American society and culture are topics well studied by Ruth Milkman in Gender at Work and Susan Hartmann in The Homefront and Beyond. Some of the cherished fads and fascinations of earlier generations also underwent dramatic conversion.
After Pearl Harbor, however, Japanese-hating became a national obsession. American artists and graphic designers in the popular media uniformly produced grotesque images of the Japanese as if evolution had long passed them by. Within forty-eight hours after the attack, President Roosevelt sent Frank Knox, secretary of the navy, to assess the damage wreaked by the bombing of Pearl Harbor. Navy had been so vulnerable. Roberts of the U. American citizens of Japanese ancestry were excluded from the evacuation order, but they would still feel its impact.
The California congressional delegation gathered in Washington, D. Secretary of War Henry Lewis Stimson then met with the president and urged him to authorize the evacuation of all Japa- nese from the West Coast. The executive order drew its legal authority from an American law al- most as old as the nation itself. Italians and Germans were also arrested and detained by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and in some cases placed in internment camps, for subversive activities. On the other hand, if they acquiesced to their being removed from their homes to unknown locations, they would be able to prove their loyalty but at tre- mendous cost to their freedoms.
George Ishida was one Californian who was well aware of the tensions at work. The following night the U. This newfound access to power would severely test the loyalties of middle-class Mexican Americans as they simultaneously worked to protect and distance themselves from the very young people who undermined their work for racial uplift.
The growing popularity of jazz among Pachucos might not have attracted attention outside the barrios and ghettos of Los Angeles if the coming of war had not complicated the social dynamics. In life he shared many of the social ties and ten- sions they encountered in coming of age when the world was at war. His death was the trigger of a series of events that forever imprinted themselves on the young men who stood ac- cused of his murder, the young women who were jailed for having knowl- edge useful to the state, and the political activists who lobbied the public on their behalf.
Drought compounded want with cruel timing: up to three-fourths of the already stunted crops withered in the parched ground. In late spring of that year, however, his voice was to be heard no more after a spatter of bullets riddled his Dodge touring car on a dusty road in Parral, Chihuahua. His assassination, both mourned and celebrated throughout Mexico, signaled the severity of the growing national crisis. Others, such as Dominic and Joe Manfredi, were Italian, and at least one Japanese and one Chinese family lived in the com- pound.
Just how closely they knew one another is not a matter that can be established through the extant documents. Some even came from his home state of Durango. Their school records attest to the mobility of their young lives as their parents moved from job to job: two years here, another year there. For the underprivileged, however—chief among them the children of Mexi- can refugees—access to private sports clubs was closed, and their use of public swimming pools was severely circumscribed.
Home parties and neighborhood gatherings were largely attended by people of the same social stratum, such as co-workers, relatives, and friends who were predominantly Mexican American, but would include at times African American, Italian American, or Irish American youths. One could have easily found at such gatherings young men and women straining to hear one another over the excited chatter of the party punctuated by English and pocho as they danced the lindy hop and the jitterbug to the African American rhythms of jump blues and swing, re- corded by Jewish musicians, all the while trying to stay within the social expectations set by their Mexican parents.
The circumstances of both time and place played a unique role in shap- ing the contours of this phenomenon. The war touched almost every cor- ner of American society, and within the Mexican American community it served to hasten the transformation of social norms. And encouraged by their new progressive priest, the Ponce sisters were allowed unprecedented social advances by inviting military men to the church ba- zaars. The city of Los Angeles, more than any other urban center in the nation, played the reluctant host to a conver- gence of diverse cultures and peoples.
More by accident than by design, the separatist aspirations of the white middle class created zones of cultural ex- change where the social energy and color of compressed humanity erupted in sometimes clashing and sometimes complementary plumes of cultural expression.
African Americans congregated along the corridor of Central Avenue stretching south toward Watts, but they also spread out among the low-cost subdivisions such as Dogtown, Aliso Village, and Ramona Gardens that commonly attracted working-class people of dif- ferent shades. Added to such a social mix were the middle-class college stu- dents from the University of California, Los Angeles, and the University of Southern California and military men who went slumming in these zones in search of excitement and entertainment.
To be sure, the level of cultural exchange varied greatly from neighbor- hood to neighborhood, and the nature of social interaction was far from utopian. Lloyd H. It was a dialogue that was spoken with their tastes and habits, their clothes and their speech. Both brother and sister closely observed traditional mores as long as they were in sight of their parents. Once they left the watchful eyes of the neighborhood, however, they headed straight for the malt shop next to the Vernon Theater, met their respective friends, and went their separate ways. Central Avenue was more than a practicing ground for aspiring musi- cians.
It was a curious place that attracted all kinds of wandering souls in search of entertainment or spiritual release and renewal. The appeal that jazz music and life held for young people rippled through the community, for although jazz was primarily an African American art form, there was a growing market of devotees among young people of every shade.
The clothing styles, linguistic inventions, and behavior, loosely known as jazz culture, framed the nascent youth culture. Next door to the Alabam was a small Mexican restaurant that was the favorite retreat for mu- sicians to relax on the keyboard. Most of the radio stations had yet to discover the youth market and therefore targeted their musical programs at an older audience. Dances at El Monte Legion Stadium were popular gatherings where white, brown, and black teenagers engaged in a bodily dialogue of dance, molding, transforming, and reinventing popular dance styles in dance competitions.
Out of these exchanges grew a dance step popular in East Los Angeles known as the Pachuco hop. Thus for Mexican Americans, the emphasis on improvisation was not equally shared by male and female partners, as it was among African Ameri- can youths, but was separated along gender lines. Dance movement for the male partner was drastically reduced, and the emphasis was placed on his maintaining a cool and smooth demeanor while his partner demonstrated her dancing creativity and talent.
Freeways were yet to alter the physical landscape, and working people tended to settle the residential areas surrounding the factories and plants situated to the east and southeast of downtown Los Angeles where they were employed. It was a residential comfort that was furthermore circumscribed by the limits of geography and society, especially for the young. Most homes had yards just large enough to park a car, and the streets served as better play- grounds by default. Leadership, if it existed at all, was infor- mal and circumstantial. At best there was a central core of young men and women around which other networks of friends and relatives interacted.
School, for some, was one of the activities they shared in common. Each of these young men spent enough of their time at the Los Amigos Club, the theater, or the malt shop to be considered regular members of the social life of the neighborhood. Some of the young women, like Lupe, found ways around these customs and would go downtown or hang out at the local malt shop. At times parents would allow a daughter to sit on the porch and visit with friends, listen to rhythm and blues on the radio, and practice the latest dance step.
Almost all the young women and men called as material witnesses steadfastly refused to impli- cate their friends, even after being rounded up by the police department and grilled by the Los Angeles County Grand Jury and the district attor- neys. Despite repeated admonitions from the court and the prosecution to speak into the microphone, her answers were often in- audible.
This failure to cooperate slowed the proceedings almost to a stand- still while the prosecution and even the court were forced to repeat both the question and the answer to the court transcriber. When the younger Gon- zales did use the microphone, her answers tended to be evasive, and she often blamed her poor memory. As the prosecution struggled for days to elicit usable responses from her, District Attorney Clyde Shoemaker resorted to having Gonzales read her earlier statements made to the grand jury.
But she refused to pick up the transcript placed in front of her. Almost all the young men had police records. But six of the seventeen boys, about a third of the group, had records simply for being suspected of criminal activity. Another of the boys charged in the Sleepy Lagoon trial, Joseph Valenzuela, was once arrested for rioting and held in jail for seventy-two hours before being released, de- spite the fact that he was nowhere near the scene of the brawl.
Some of the young men simply had records with the police as the result of domestic quarrels. When Manuel Reyes was twelve years old, his mother had him taken by a Catholic welfare agency for a year and a half for playing hooky from school. Standing up for their rights only added to their record and endangered their physical safety while in custody.
As if this were not enough, the young men were usually released from custody late at night and forced to make their way back home through rival neighborhoods, miles away from where they lived. About a fourth of the group committed acts of robbery, assault with a deadly weapon, grand theft auto, or a combination of the three by the time they were eighteen.
Three years later Yno- stroza served eight days in jail for hitching a ride on a freight car. He was picked up four more times over the next three years for assault with a deadly weapon. Thus theirs was a complicated relationship with society. The Delga- dillos had invited about thirty families to the party, but the four-piece band had to wait for nearly an hour before there were enough couples to play dance music. For a simple watering hole the Sleepy Lagoon had an almost parklike feel to it.
From the dirt road that wandered past the reservoir, a grassy area of about sixty feet gradually sloped upward to the earthen banks. The natural shrubs and bushes of the area hid the clustering of homes that lay about a quarter of a mile to the east of the pond where the Delgadillos celebrated into the night. Henry remained in his green Ford with Dora. Henry stayed behind in his car with Dora. It did little good. What is clear from their later testimonies, instead, is that they understood that the assault on Henry and Dora by a group required a group response.
Clearly they could not let an assault on their peers go unpunished, but they were more likely outraged by the nature of the attack. Badly outnumbered, none of the boys stood a chance of defending themselves. Henry, furthermore, was convalescing from serious injuries he sustained in an automobile accident the previous week. Such an assault was an egre- gious violation of their fundamental sense of morality, and there was little debate or discussion about what had to be done next. In a short time a convoy of six cars crammed with angry young people met two blocks away in the parking lot of Los Amigos Club, where Jenny and Josephine Gonzales, Jack Melendez, Johnny Matuz, Gus Zamora, and Manny Delgado were waiting in their two cars.
There was little deliberation, no threats breathed against the young men from Downey; nor did anyone give thought to articulating a plan of action once they arrived at the reservoir. The impending tragedy that would forever alter their young lives almost never occurred at all. The night would have ended without further inci- dent if someone had not suggested that the Downey boys might be found at the party going on in the cluster of bunkhouses farther down the road. The night was still young for the Delgadillo girls, who wanted to continue dancing, so they moved their Victrola radio onto the patio and turned up some dance music.
Just as one of the songs ended, two young women who were standing farther down the road waiting for their rides came running back up to the house. Leyvas swung at Cruz Reyes, and Lola Reyes rushed toward her husband to defend him. Smiles turned around and saw the two women grappling with the bottle. Delgadillo rushed toward Parra, who swung around and knocked the elder man back through the kitchen door with a blow to the face. For- tunately he revived after Dominic threw water on his face. When Dominic ran outside the bunkhouse, he encountered Cruz Reyes, who was already half-carrying Joe Manfredi through the gate.
Especially in working-class areas of the city, respect for the wartime police force was alarmingly low, and the residents of these areas openly challenged the authority of the police. As The People v. Mainstream newspapers and tabloid-style magazines ex- ploited the public fascination with juvenile delinquency, all the while feed- ing the growing perception that working-class youths were caught up in a zoot-suited crime wave sweeping the city.
The defense attorneys clashed among themselves as they were forced to contend with growing public hos- tility toward their case and their defendants. Hopkinson slapped the frightened youth. He expressed frustration to the grand Jury that too many Mexican American youths were being released on parole rather than doing hard time.
Judge Fricke over- ruled her request, citing that it would be improper for a defense attorney to take the witness stand in her own case. Police rewarded those who continued to resist by holding them incommunicado, even from their lawyers, until they came forward with information. Such reactions toward the use of violence suggest a larger sense of self shared by the young men and women of this generation.
Such assumptions surely underwrote the gendered ways in which the investigation and trial proceeded. Just as members of the law enforcement agencies believed Mexicans to be biologically predis- posed toward violence, it appears that they also believed that Mexican men were a greater social danger than women and that the grand jury agreed. As the grand jury moved toward a conclusion, the parents of the arrested youths read the writing on the wall and began to secure legal representation for their children as best they could.
Bird, deputy public defender, drew the assignment to represent six of the twenty-two boys, about a fourth of the group. On the opening day of the trial seven lawyers gathered to de- fend the boys. The rest of the defense failed to come up with a joint strategy and at times disagreed so strongly among themselves that their bickering carried over into the courtroom. Instead, the reports of the grand jury investigation and subsequent trial were, for the most part, rele- gated to short, unassuming articles.
Small and wan, he looked prematurely old for a man of sixty years. By the time he was twenty-one, he obtained an L. Governor C. The defense had little choice but to comply. Yet Fricke was not entirely unsympathetic to the defense, either. Numer- ous times throughout the three-month-long trial he tutored some of the less experienced defense lawyers in proper courtroom procedures.
Fricke agreed but en- couraged her to reformulate her question. In a number of these statements. Then Frank Webb, chief autopsy surgeon for Los Angeles County, was called to establish the cause of death. It did not really matter if it was. Zammora as a major strike against youth gangs in Los Angeles. Few of the wit- nesses, however, could provide the prosecution with the answer it was look- ing for. The prosecutors believed that the witnesses hid this critical piece of information behind a code of silence, which was taken as further evidence of gang behavior.
Yet the prosecutors pushed onward, hoping to uncover in the history and dynamics of the group what they presumed was being hidden by the wit- nesses. None of them, however, commanded the attention of the police and prosecution like Henry Leyvas. Like his peers, only more so, Henry was not about to let slights, real or imagined, go unpunished, and for this he was on a collision course with the law.
Yet still, underneath his coarsened facade, he had a certain charisma about him, a raw charm undimmed by the weight of growing up in the American underclass. He was very bright, not much education; he had great emotions. But most important was. The personal strengths that earned Henry a measure of respect among his peers did not translate well in the courtroom.
The resulting photograph showed a young Mexican man, with long, unwashed hair and unkempt clothing, apparently smirking at the proceedings. LaRue McCormick was a seasoned labor organizer and Communist Party regular who earned high praise from her colleagues for her energy, wit, and organizing skills. She found it in abundance with The People v. Zammora and stepped forward to assist in organizing a defense campaign.
But it is also clear from the organizational records of the de- fense committee that Irish and Jewish activists remained in control of the campaign throughout its entire existence. He put the prosecutors on the defensive with his frequent objections and challenges to their case. In a not-so-subtle attempt to challenge the partiality of Judge Fricke, McCormick and other members of the nascent defense committee asked Judge Lester Roth to become part of the defense team.
Thus, when Roth requested a two-day continuance in order to familiarize himself with the case, Judge Fricke adroitly declined the request. Without the time to catch up, Judge Roth was forced to remove himself from the defense. With the arrival of George Shibley, the dynamics at the defense table also changed.
Zacsek had previously assumed the lead in the defense, much to the discomfort of her male colleagues. Zacsek did not re- linquish the lead willingly. The judge agreed. Her real strengths came through in her ability to hone in on the issue at hand, in translating legal jargon into everyday terms for both witness and jury, and in playing to the emotions of the jury. George Shibley and the defense, on the other hand, would hardly have done better without her.
Shibley was a gifted defense attorney, perhaps the only lawyer the boys unilaterally trusted and admired.
The jury, consisting of six women and four men, all white, noticeably disapproved of the defendants. At times the boys threw spit wads at one an- other, poked at one another, or laughed to relieve the tedium of seemingly endless testimonies. A few even took to imitating the peculiar twitch of their own attorney, George Shibley, behind his back. The older boys, aware that they were constantly being observed by the judge and jury, tried to keep the others in line, but the weeks of impudence took their toll.
They were actually laughing at each other! Once, as Fricke instructed Anna Zacsek on the admissibility of evidence, he halted his re- marks abruptly. The objection is sustained! It is wholly unnecessary. George Shibley delivered a stirring, emotional summation to a rapt courtroom. Thus, on the day the jury returned with its verdict after six days of deliberation, some of the boys were optimistic that the outcome would be in their favor.
For the rest of the boys, however, their lives would forever be changed on that cold morning. Stunned by the verdict, many of the boys wept openly. By midtrial, news of the proceedings moved to the front page of most Los Angeles newspapers. In the early stages of the grand jury investigation, many of the larger newspapers devoted no more than a few brief lines to it.