Intelligenz - Erbe und / oder Umwelt? (German Edition)

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They aim at bringing together key stakeholders as well as coordinating initiatives in different sectors such as innovation, transport, environment etc. Macro-regional strategies call for better coordination of policies, closer cooperation between institutions and more efficient use of available funding sources. The Macro-regional search criterion in keep. Keep hence opens to users access to information on the projects and partners of these two Strategies, their Priority Policy areas and Horizontal actions. This data in keep. Users can either look for detailed information project by project or opt for an aggregated vision of the projects within the scope of these EU Strategies, by exporting their search results to Excel.

Programming is one of the essential elements of the functioning of the Structural Funds. It involves the preparation of multi-annual development plans and is undertaken through a partnership-based decision-making process, in several stages, until the measures are taken over by the public or private bodies entrusted with carrying them out.

The seven-year periods began in , hence the previous programming periods were and , and the current one Each programming period is dealt with differently in Keep. Every application to the European Territorial Cooperation programmes is required to nominate a lead partner. The lead partner is the link between the Operation and the Programme. The European Union Regulations may refer to 'beneficiary' when meaning 'partner' and to 'lead beneficiary' when meaning 'lead partner'. Partners are those organisations that, with the lead partner, sign a partnership agreement and are involved with the implementation of a project or operation.

Hence, for example, there could be no two different partners called Keep in Germany, but there could be two different partners called Keep if one were in Germany and the other one in France. Please also see the entry in FAQ 'Project. What are projects in keep. Also refer to Lead partner and to Project partner. Check how representative this data is. Skip to main content. Home Projects Search for Projects Use the form below to search for projects.

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If you export the search results to Excel you will get all the aggregated data for all projects, partners and calls meeting your criteria. Use this if you want to manipulate complex quantitative data eg sum up budget data, average it out per project, etc or even to collect large extents of qualitative data results, etc. Please also check how representative keep.

Search Terms. Haldane, J. London Hammer, Michael u. In: Human Genetics. Herrnstein, Richard J. Jorde, Lynn B. In: Nature Genetics 36, , SS Kamin, Leon J. Potomac, Md: L. Erlbaum Associates. Kincheloe, Joe L. Klyosov, Anatole: Comment on the paper: Extended Y Chromosome haplotypes resolve multiple and unique lineages of the Jewish priesthood. Lewontin, R. Westport Carbondale Montagu, Ashley: Race and IQ.

Nisbett, Richard E. Washington D. Pope, Carl E. In: Crime and Delinquency Quitzow, Wilhelm: Intelligenz, Erbe oder Umwelt? The term continued to be applied only to those residents who enjoyed a special legal status. During the Enlightenment era in France, the polemical tone of debate sharpened , paving the way for the distinction drawn between bourgeois and citoyen. Originally synonyms referring to the inhabitants of a town, the two words began to diverge in the second half of the eighteenth century with respect to their spatial bourgeois as the inhabitant of a town or city, citoyen as the inhabitant of a state , social bourgeois as a wealthy town dweller who employed others, whereas citoyen did not address economic aspects , and political dimensions the citoyen held rights on the level of the state.

Universal citizen rights precluded simple legal discrimination of the kind that had characterized citizen rights since antiquity.

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Whether this segment differed from all others by virtue of legal, social, cultural, or political criteria varied in both European traditions and in the present. Since the transitional period Sattelzeit around , the central axis defining the concept has gradually shifted away from legal aspects. Rather, it marks the border, from within and without, to military-heroic ways of life and forms of estatism and authoritarianism generally by emphasizing the terms civilian and civil society.

Use of the terms in the social and political spheres, however, generally focuses on specific aspects and areas; this is what renders the concepts so flexible and ambiguous and means they lend readily themselves to polemic use. In the course of state building in the early modern period, the rights associated with political rule were increasingly concentrated in the hands of the sovereign, transforming citizens into subjects.

Simultaneously, the differences which were conceptualized as associated with the estate one had been born into and fixed as rights became less significant. Social rather than legal inequality became the decisive factor determining an individual's position in society during the transitional period from the mid-eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century.

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Since Marx, social differences took center stage in the critique of bourgeois society. The universalistic-egalitarian perspective on human beings "rubbed off" on the citizen, so that any persistent social inequality had to be justified and was easily used to mobilize people politically to oppose bourgeois society. The transition from the bourgeois society of premodern times that was political per se societas civilis sive res publica to post-revolutionary modern and economically-determined bourgeois society thus radically transformed the framework for both the linguistic means of representing the citizen and his actual historic manifestation.

In Germany, these questions are especially difficult, since all distinguishing features always make use of the same word. In the political order societas civilis sive res publica , active participation was the prerogative of men. Whether the traditional model of bourgeois society was called into question fundamentally and superseded by women's emancipation or this change was instead an example for the capacity of the bourgeois model to be reformed and transformed remains a controversial topic to this day.

In its edition, the renowned Brockhaus encyclopedia described the bourgeois with a terminology that was in part quite modern as a "class large in numbers, which perceives all freemen as belonging to it" "eine zahlreiche Classe, welche alle Freien unter sich begreift". But it went on to emphasize the character of free birth and, in this respect, remained obliged to the older, more traditional understanding of the term. Of fundamental significance in this period was the integration of the educated into this definition. During the late Imperial period in Germany, the differences between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie were at times addressed, albeit rather in passing.

The term appears most often in the context of the universalization of legal status to become citizens' rights, which takes on a more central role in this period. The older definition centering on the status of town citizenship is mentioned as part of the historical background. Consequently, the Nazis political-normative goal was to overcome the bourgeois way of life " Lebensform " within the National Socialist " Volksgemeinschaft " community of the people.

The text asserted that these rights had been realized in the GDR by limiting private property and ending the domination of monopoly capital. Socially, the bourgeoisie was a broad and heterogeneous conglomerate of middle classes and was, according to Brockhaus , in fact a middle class " Mittelstand ". Due perhaps to end of the Adenauer era or the anti-bourgeois furor of the emerging protest movements of the s may have been the reason why the optimistic final paragraph of the article in the edition from , which forecasted the survival of the bourgeois lifestyle, was weakened in the version published in Ten years later, in the period of West Germany's social-democratic-liberal coalition government, the article appeared in a radically abridged version without historical background.

First, the much larger group in quantitative terms of people with average income and status are left without a place and a definition, since they are neither workers nor farmers or nobility. Second, while it can be asserted on a normative level that material assets are a key criterion for definitions and differentiation, it cannot be proven empirically.

Jahrhundert : German » English | PONS

In contemporary usage, however, the term is generally understood as a collective term for an agglomeration; it is a collective singular noun that refers to various social formations of the middle classes. In German, the term emerged not as a the result of a political and social strategy that aimed to understand and describe societies in terms of class categories but "rather as an expression of the rejection of perceiving society in terms of ' class '".

Modern social history was unable to resolve this tension between concept and reality, despite all efforts to formulate theories and definitions to date. The first question only appears to be easy to answer at first glance. In the eighteenth century, a wealth of new occupations took shape as the estate order eroded.

Thanks to specific resources — in particular, knowledge, expertise in specific fields, a special understanding of work, the use of property for economic activities, and also the willingness to defer consumption — these new occupations acquired genuine areas of activity and, as a result, opportunities for generating income.

Outside the realm of the older estate order and its social and power hierarchies, higher social status was reached more quickly than heightened political status. Social historians have undertaken repeated attempts to address this conglomerate analytically. Every categorization of bourgeois subgroups ultimately leads to the addition of two divergent traits: one is the economic independence of urban classes, which includes the broad spectrum of self-employed craftsmen, merchants, traders, entrepreneurs of various kinds, capital pensioners, and professionals; the second is the professional qualification of public servants and white-collar workers, [37] which, like those in the professions, had an academic education but were not self-employed.

Last but not least, this work has produced empirical evidence to disprove ideological postulations about a purportedly bourgeois class standpoint. Research has often focused on an indistinctly determined spectrum of classes of ownership and economic classes and on class status, frequently within the context of local studies. One of the most influential town studies which was not part of a large-scale project addressed the bourgeois upper class in Basel and linked innovative social history analysis with cultural history. The density of studies centering on sub-formations differs considerably.

Depending on the assumed historical and political relevance, entrepreneurs appear to be more significant for the respective nation-state than craftsmen. Depending on the availability of sources and the extent to which these groups organized themselves and pursued their own political interests, the numbers of existing studies differs.

Without considering these conditions and their influence on the formation of the bourgeois middle classes, diachronic studies convey an abbreviated perspective and can easily lead to interpretations of purported decline. The majority of members of the bourgeois in the nineteenth century lead a way of life that was based on economic independence and an associated lifestyle marked by self-reliance, dealing with risks individually, and an appreciation of freedom and personal achievement. What the word "majority" means here can only be demonstrated with any degree of reliability by pointing to the results of local studies.

This is understandable, considering the fact that the term referred not only to the kind of hanseatic merchant who traded on a large scale with overseas customers epitomized by characters in Thomas Mann's novel The Buddenbrooks. For the most part, these were prosperous but hardly exorbitantly rich businessmen, and especially in the textiles sector, production and trade were frequently in the same hands. It would be only a slight exaggeration to interpret some of their self-staged presentations as a habitus and rhetoric of protest against the stability and self-satisfaction of those who were economically independent.

This was also the aim of Lothar Gall's classic argument about the "classless bourgeois society of 'median' forms of existence". The pre-industrial middle class society, structured around occupational groups, expected that social reforms and political emancipation would lead to a general dissemination of this bourgeois society. As a preindustrial and prerevolutionary movement, this bourgeois entered into what was at least a very ambivalent relationship to industrial modernity, which had far-reaching consequences. As industrialization reached its height, the rise of white-collar workers and civil servants began; after World War II, it accelerated and its influence was heightened by the simultaneous decline in the relative numbers of workers among those pursuing paid employment.


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Since then, the category white-collar worker has become so generalized that it is basically meaningless, but contemporary surveys do not offer more differentiated categories. This generalized spread of the white-collar worker is easily described in quantitative terms, whereas its socio-psychological effects are difficult to determine.

More importantly, the majority of bourgeois occupational groups in the twentieth century was composed of white-collar workers and civil servants and thus of people who were not economically independent. How this social shift has affected the classic bourgeois values such as personal independence is a topic that calls for further research.

Conceptually, distinguishing the bourgeois from other social forms has been challenging.

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In contemporary societies, defining specific lifestyles as characteristic of the nobility, peasants, or the proletariat or determining how they shape society is hardly possible. Recent work therefore tends to declare discrete elements of behavior to be "bourgeois" and to then examine them more closely. However, the results are seldom linked to a special bourgeois social formation. While this is interesting as a means of elucidating contemporary phenomena, this work often remains fails to critically assess the blind spots linked to the period in which it is undertaken.

A key issue here is the material and cultural persistence of the middle class — or its threatened state. Third : Since the late nineteenth century, we have also seen the rise and expansion of the welfare state, which created, especially for wage earners, a range of state or state-regulated security systems.

What sociation processes Vergesellschaftungsprozesse merge these divergent middle classes to create social units?


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These processes are grounded in interests and values that shape action. Did a common culture amalgamate these "heterogeneous occupational groups" that came with diverse class interests to become a group capable of acting as a unit?

There have been and continue to be numerous attempts to determine a canon of culture and life forms through which the various subgroups attained and represented their mutual bourgeois status. Among the aspects named are individual achievement, work and the work ethic, a proclivity for rational lifestyles, self-employment, self-organization, education, an aesthetic relationship to high culture, family ideals, symbolic forms in daily life table manners, clothing styles, social conventions , etc.

Such efforts were stimulated more often than not from outside of historiography, for example from ethnology. Hermann Bausinger has argued that bourgeois culture should be grasped as a behavioral style, as "an interaction of norms and forms that even includes everyday occurrences" and backed up his argument with impressive examples but did not elucidate his argument on a conceptual level. To date, there have been no successful attempts to describe and verify historically the existence of such a consistent "bourgeois culture" that could indeed integrate socially heterogeneous parts.

This may be due to the success of the bourgeois model in the "progressive democratization" of material and many immaterial cultural achievements. Various methods can be applied to investigating bourgeois culture. One is oriented towards social "behavioral norms and modes of action". One could also address the forms of behavior and expression that have become widespread to an impressive extent in the past two centuries — from socializing in clubs and associations to other leisure time activities to home furnishings.

The proletariat was shaped by class conditions and also formed common cultural forms of expression proletarianism.


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Bourgeois society thus offered a pattern for creating an order for the whole that included all subgroups and was based on legal principles.